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according to Cowan, shifted the responsibility of acquiring household goods from men to women.80 In this case, the car became “an agent of change,”81 facilitating the shift in household work from production- to consumption-related activities.

The availability of household appliances and ready-made goods replaced the need for hired help.

Nevertheless, the American wife remained harried with work, just of a different kind.

Consistent with the tenor in gender studies, the car as a masculine industrial machine in Cowan’s analysis worked to benefit the lot of men but not that of women.

Wajcman’s analysis of the automobile as a technology that constrains women was inspired by the work of Cowan.

Both propose that the automobile ultimately did not benefit women but instead bound them more tightly to their subservient role.

Later scholars such as Virginia Scharff agree that even contemporary housewives spend significant amounts of time ferrying children and goods.

Because the automobile has been associated with leisure, household work performed using the car, such as shopping, came to be cast as entertainment rather than a chore, rendering much of modern-day homemaking invisible.82 Indeed, automobiles in their early years provided the means for women to conduct commercial and leisure activities outside their homes with greater freedom and less apprehension.

Scharff states, As such, it seemed to some women a perfect solution to the problem of gaining admission to public life, especially commercial and leisure activities, without exposing oneself to the vagaries and annoyances of public transportation.

It opened up the possibility of independent mobility for those who used it.

Extending that potential to women meant both expanding the private sphere into the realm of transportation and, paradoxically, puncturing woman’s Ibid., 82.

Ibid., 83. 82 Virginia Scharff, Taking the Wheel: Women and the Coming of the Motor Age (New York: The Free Press, 1991), 147. 81 80 30 “sphere” by undermining the already strained notion that women’s place was in the home.83 Although Wajcman may have implied that transport technologies were designed to constrict women, Scharff argues that automobiles in their early years extended a woman’s sphere and provided the means for her to leave her home without having to forego privacy and a sense of security.

The closed car, for instance, became an extension of a woman’s home, like a living room on wheels84 where comfort and convenience came to be associated with feminine features.

Questions of comfort, for the driver and the passengers, lay at the heart of the automobile business debate about woman’s influence.

Whenever industry men and male consumers invoked customary notions about feminine behavior, they used the terms “comfort” and “convenience” to cover a spectrum of meanings, from sober concern for safety to lavish luxury.85 Scharff argues that automotive manufacturers operated under a gendered assumption that women wanted fluffy features that had nothing to do with automotive performance.

Men, on the other hand, were perceived to value exclusively practical features such as fuel economy and horsepower.

Scharff claims that because manufacturers thought men and women wanted different things, this caused product differentiation in motorcars.

Technological diversity became driven by gender.

Nevertheless, manufacturers tended to associate the qualities of comfort, convenience, and aesthetic appeal with women, while linking power, range, economy, and thrift with men.

Women were presumed to be too weak, timid, and fastidious to want to drive noisy, smelly gasoline-powered cars.

Thus at first, manufacturers, influenced by Victorian notions of masculinity and femininity, devised a kind of “separate spheres” ideology about automobiles: gas cars were for men, electric cars were for women.86 83 84 Ibid., 24–25.

Cowan, More Work for Mother, 125. 85 Scharff, Taking the Wheel, 127. 86 Ibid., 36–37. 31 Scharff suggests that this gendered worldview initially fragmented the automotive market.

The gender bias of manufacturers resulted in sex-specific advertising campaigns.

At the same time, Scharff recognizes buying power as genderfree.

However, when automotive designers and promoters, acting in part under the influence of cultural imperatives regarding gender, coupled these desirable attributes with the electric’s limited power and circumscribed range, they misread their audience.

No law of nature dictated that automobiles could not be designed to be comfortable, reliable, handsome, and powerful, qualities that might appeal to men and women alike.

And even if automakers continued to insist that males and females had different automotive preferences, a sexspecific promotional strategy made very little business sense in an economy where consumers, male or female, had some choice, and where families buying only one vehicle were likely to have to accommodate male drivers who were presumed to want to go farther and faster than their female counterparts.87 Hence the manufacturers’ gendered worldview, according to Scharff, was not ultimately economically sustaining, nor did it make business sense.

Although Scharff acknowledges that men at this time typically made most major purchasing decisions, she characterizes paying customers, regardless of their gender, as having the same economic weight in the market.

While arguing the existence of gender division in the marketing campaign of manufacturers, Scharff simultaneously negates this division by arguing that universal values such as the power of the pocketbook and the common desire for comfort and aesthetics ultimately superseded gender bias.

Sharff proceeds to argue that if manufacturers had incorporated homey features of comfort into the automobile early on, they would have attracted mainstream buyers sooner: Had manufacturers recognized the benefits of providing mobile shelter from the beginning of the automotive era, the private auto might have made a more rapid transition from “pleasure car” to practical means of daily transportation 87 Ibid., 44. 32 for middle-class workers, both those employed outside the home and those who pursued a domestic vocation.88 To a certain extent, Scharff attributes significant control to manufacturers.

In arguing that their actions, though uninformed, ultimately determined the timing of the diffusion of the motorcar, Scharff inevitably paints a profile of automotive manufacturers as powerful, though mildly ignorant, for their capacity to facilitate or negate the diffusion of the gasoline automobile.

Scharff softens this categorization by arguing that there were other manufacturers and businesses who, more in tune with the emerging automotive market, took early advantage of the economic opportunities active women drivers represented.

Defenders of women drivers have never been as numerous as detractors.

Given the potential market that women drivers represent, those supporters have, not surprisingly, included many people who produce and sell automobiles and automotive products and services.89 Thus, on the one hand, Scharff discusses the disenfranchisement of women due to gender bias among manufacturers; on the other hand, she qualifies this position by indicating that some manufacturers saw things differently.

Still, she also argues that even others with gender bias changed their thinking: “In an effort to keep up with consumers’ changing demands, producers would at once modify their notions of gender and the machines they made.”90 Are consumer buying power and taste, then, ultimately the drivers of technological change? Scharff argues that women drivers themselves began to break their own gender biases. “As men registered their indifference to the electric, women were demonstrating their own unwillingness to leave long-distance touring and high-speed — 241 The self-determination of jeepney drivers allowed them to conduct business as if, some would say, they owned the streets.

Similar to the calesas, jeepneys would stop anywhere to pick up or drop off passengers.

A prospective passenger would simply stand by the side of the road and flag down a jeepney.

Getting off the jeepney would simply require one to say “Para,” meaning “stop,” a word used only in the context of a moving vehicle.

While some areas in Manila began to prohibit the frequent stopping and starting of vehicles along their roads, the majority of jeepneys still follow this calesa style of doing business.

A Filipino writer stated, “Jeepney drivers stop every few meters, even in the middle of the road, or in corners, with no warning to, or consideration for, others.”76 Jeepney drivers do not like following rules, and many even stopped driving their vehicles in areas where traffic rules were starting to be enforced.

Rolando Caoagas, for instance, drove jeepneys for twenty-six years in the busy profitable areas of Manila, but moved to an upcountry province in the last six years because in the rural areas, he said, “Awan agtiltiliw,” or nobody catches you [literally, no enforcers].77 However, this aggressive driving contrasts with the religious elements found inside the jeep.

Many observers have noted the “homey” look of the jeepney’s interior, which often includes an altar propped up on the dashboard.78 Michael Manalastas described having curtains, buying fresh flowers, and polishing the “God Bless Our Street” sign in his jeepney.79 Thus, while the exterior was a manifestation of the festive flair of the calesa, the interior of the jeepney provided the passengers a feeling of being a guest in the driver’s home. 76 77 Rene Saguisag, “There’s a Jeepney in the Filipino Soul,” Mr. & Ms. (Manila), October 30, 1984, 10.

Interview with Rolando Caoagas, November 5, 2005. 78 Nofuente, “The Jeepney Vehicle as Art,” 44–45.

Also in de Souza, “View from a Manila Jeepney,” 3; Ureta, “The Jeepney is Still ‘King of the Road,’” 39. 79 Interview with Michael Manalastas, November 6, 2005. 242 Conversion of Institutions: From Machinelike to Homelike Effect, Filipino Style The jeepney represents various aspects of Filipino life.80 One aspect often noted by many tourists is Filipino hospitality. 81 When someone visits a home, family members always provide some type of refreshment, even if it means sending someone off to the store through the back door.

If someone arrives while the family is eating at the table, an extra place is immediately laid, and everyone adjusts their rice and fish intake to provide for the guest.

This habit of accommodating guests in one’s home extends to the habit of jeepney drivers accommodating anyone who flags them down, even if their vehicle is full.

For instance, a six-passenger vehicle would be stretched to fit seven or eight, just as a Filipino family would accommodate guests regardless of its limitations.

While one could argue that the driver is economically motivated to pack in as many passengers as possible, what is interesting in this phenomenon is the tolerance of passengers for such practices.

Having ridden jeepneys for almost twenty years, I have never heard anyone complain about being packed in like sardines.

It seems to be an accepted and understood practice to accommodate anyone out in the street trying to reach a destination, particularly at night.

Many writers characterize this practice of trying to fit everyone into a vehicle as consistent with Filipino family values. 82 Indeed, home and church are the two institutions that dominate a Filipino’s life, and both are clearly evident in the embellishments to the jeepney.

These are highly personalized. “The driver thinks of his jeepney, not as a simple vehicle with which he makes a living, but as an extension of his home, his church, his pride, his fears, his very self.”83 The names of his individual family members and relatives—and 80 81 Torres, Jeepney, 58.

Antonio, “Pambihirang Sasakyan, May Lulang Kasaysayan,” 13.

Nofuente, “The Jeepney Vehicle as Art,” 46. 82 Ibid. 83 Torre, “Jeepney Soul,” 49. 243 sometimes the driver’s entire genealogy—are often painted all over the jeepney.84 Every effort is made to provide the vehicle with as homelike an atmosphere as possible, particularly since the driver spends most of his day driving his vehicle along various routes for as many as ten to fifteen hours per day.

The addition of homelike touches, such as curtains along the windows of the jeepney and various knickknacks along the dashboard, gives the effect of being in someone’s living room.

Various Christian religious icons and images occupy the dashboard alongside the curios.

It is common to find altars in many Filipino homes.

Just as at home, many jeepney drivers dutifully buy fresh garlands of flowers to adorn the altar they have propped by their dashboard.85 The religious icons were believed to provide protection from traffic and in this sense, Christian figures became intermingled with animistic practices and beliefs.

Filipino syncretic religiosity has been described by many observers as one of the dominant themes in many jeepney decorations.86 Thus, unlike in the United States where the shift from machinelike to coachlike effect involved passenger comfort, luxury, and convenience, the shift in the Philippine case was more a matter of incorporating into the jeepney the various institutions that comprise Filipino life.

Riding in the jeepney was akin to being inside a home—albeit a modest home.

Jeepney displays were often criticized by the middle-class as gaudy and vulgar, in other words, bakya, which literally means “wooden clogs,” the type of shoes associated with the lower class.87 While the garishness of the heyday of the decorated jeeps has recently been tempered with more subdued decorations, the horse emblem persists, despite the Ureta, “The Jeepney is Still ‘King of the Road,’” 39. “The Jeepney—A Remarkable Vehicle of Philippine Folk Art,” 19. 86 de Souza, “View from a Manila Jeepney,” 3. 87 Rolando S.

Tinio, “Romancing the Jeepney,” Man Magazine (Manila), January 1993, 4.

Also, Antonio, “Pambihirang Sasakyan, May Lulang Kasaysayan,” 13. 85 84 244 — Diosdado Manalastas, who has driven a jeepney for eight years, scoffs at the entire idea of horse chrome and other jeep decorations.91 Although Diosdado Manalastas is the exception among the fifteen drivers interviewed, his view nonetheless represents the weakened influence of horse-drawn carriages in modern transport.

Calesas still meader along some street areas in Manila as well as in a few rural areas, but like the jeepney, they are a dying breed.

The jeepney, a mass-produced yet customized public vehicle which came to represent the fusion of the machinelike wartime jeep with the force of local calesa tradition, also appears to be facing its twilight years. Conclusion This chapter has shown the significant role the horse tradition played in ushering the use of jeeps into Philippine society.

When the jeep arrived, the Philippines was a country desolate and devastated by war.

Yet the discarded surplus army vehicle rose to become a custom-built, elaborately ornamented passenger vehicle called the jeepney.

The jeepney represented the effort of the Filipino people not only to localize but to practically “ingest” a technology whose resemblance to its origins became just a remote suggestion.

The jeep became the mechanical equivalent of the ubiquitous calesa in spirit, look, and feel.

Pre-existing practices of communal riding, method of payment, and extravagant regal decorations of the calesa days transformed the military artifact into a popular mainstream transport of everyday life.

The legacy of the calesa practices persists in the form of a horse emblem situated on top of the hood.

The horse emblem embodied the many threads that connected the past horse culture with its present symbolic mechanized form.

The strength of the horse tradition permeated the jeep in many respects.

From the driver’s standpoint, the jeepney replicated the socioeconomic structure of the calesa and 91 Interview with Diosdado Manalastas, October 29, 2005. 246 allowed freedom of self-expression through an automotive medium.

At the same time, the calesa brought a sense of belonging to the driver, whose movable dominion represented many of the symbols associated with local traditions.

From the passenger’s standpoint, the same sardine-packed communal riding and payment system from the calesa days persisted.

The honor system of payment and the practice of passing fares from one passenger to the next until they reach the driver continue today.

The same hospitality practiced in Filipino homes came to be expected in the riding experience.

The driver finds a way to accommodate everyone.

The homelike interior décor of the jeep turned the passenger into a guest rather than a customer.

In the case of the Philippines, the notion of comfort in automotive design did not originate with women, as some gender analysts have argued to be the case in the US setting.

Historically, virtually all jeepney drivers have been men; they conceived the idea of transforming the jeepney into an extension of their homes.

Automotive comfort, as Scharff argues, is a universally appreciated value, although in the case of the Philippines, it does not seem to have been motivated specifically by gender factors.

From an artifactual perspective, the regal décor of the calesa was simply transferred to the jeepney.

The calesa background of the jeepney pioneers came into play in the transformation of the jeep’s technological form and spirit.

The jeepney thus was purposely designed to exhibit a forced likeness with the calesa, just as early US automotive pioneers tried to do with horseless carriages.

However, there was a more seamless transfer of user practices from the calesa to the jeepney, perhaps because the concept of a self-propelled vehicle was not as controversial by that time, although it was nevertheless a novel phenomenon for a horse-driven society.

What seemed to remain unchanged, however, was the machinelike driving experience associated with the old military jeep, which only the driver directly experienced. 247 The complexity of the jeepney represented the convergence of Filipino institutions that transformed a foreign artifact into a usable representation of the calesa.

This convergence, partly motivated by manufacturers and drivers, facilitated the acceptance of a foreign device into the everyday life of the Philippines.

The case of the jeepney shows that persistence in practices permeated the form and functionality of the jeep, allowing a peripheral military object to be transformed into a mainstream yet sublime device of everyday life. 248 Chapter Five Conclusion In each of the three cases in this study, pre-existing equine culture provided conceptual and material resources for those who sought to transform the motorcar into a mainstream means of transport.

The motorcar began as an unknown and, in two cases, a threatening new device.

The first case study shows that when the motorcar began to appear in US public streets at the turn of the twentieth century, its most noticeable feature—its lack of a horse—collided with the prevailing concept of motion as a product of muscle power.

The newfangled machinery’s most conspicuous feature—the fact that it went without a horse—was also its chief liability.

In the second case study, the motorcar was an unknown as a result of its unproven capabilities on the battlefield.

The civilian origins of the motorcar prior to WWII stood at odds with the military’s requirements for speed, light weight, and cross-country mobility.

Mounted attacks were central to the US cavalry’s concept of military combat.

Forced motorization demanded by high-ranking military officers during the interwar years meant the obsolescence of the horse, and ultimately, the cavalry way of life, prompting fierce objections to its adoption.

In the third case study, the motorcar was not as threatening as in the first two cases.

The military jeep was, after all, associated with the liberation of the Philippines from Japanese control.

Nevertheless, having arrived from a different land, the jeep was exotic, and similar to the American motorcar in the first decade of the twentieth century, it was a novelty.

It went without a horse in a land largely dependent upon animal power. 249 The features that distinguish the motorcar in each case—the horselessness of carriages in the first decade of the twentieth century, the unsuitability of commercial cars for military purposes during the interwar years, and the vehicle’s association with foreign military arms in the Philippines—had to be subdued in order for the motorcar to gain entry into mainstream society.

In the first case study, automobile manufacturers effectively leveraged the concepts, practices, and even the horse’s reputation in order to facilitate the diffusion of the motorcar.

Asserting a likeness with the horse allowed manufacturers to speak to a skeptical public about the motorcar’s practical uses (although this likeness was sometimes forced, as in the case of the steering wheel touted to work like a pair of reins)1 by simply pointing to the vehicle’s “horselike” qualities.

Early manufacturers of the automobile, despite users’ resistance to its novelty, transformed the newfangled machinery into a familiar sight.

Despite their significantly different operational controls and their lack of equine power and “intelligence,” motorcars came to pose as horse carriages through the public articulations of magazines and advertisements.

In the second case study, it was the purposeful effort of the United States Cavalry to preserve equine practices that led to resistance and, ultimately, to the materialization of a new technological form, the jeep.

While the first case study addresses the successful transfer of equine practices as a means to the financial ends of early automobile manufacturers, the second case study shows how the efforts to protect the horse and the practices associated with it motivated technological change.

Deeply hostile to the motorcar, the cavalry saw the passing of the horse as a threat to its cohesion as a combat arm.

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